It is a moment for Belgium to shine: the rest of Europe, and indeed the world, will be watching as the country takes command of the complex EU institutional machinery. With the EU tentatively emerging from an economic downturn – and stumbling through crises like the recent euro debt threat – the Belgian presidency comes at a particularly sensitive moment.
Belgian politicians and officials insist they are more than up for the task. But they face an awkward handicap that risks overshadowing the entire presidency: in the wake of the June elections, there is no permanent government in place. Nor is there likely to be one for some time.
The leader of the biggest party in the new parliament, Bart De Wever of the Flemish nationalist N-VA, is currently consulting with potential coalition partners. Given expectations that he will try to work with his near ideological opposite, Elio Di Rupo from the Francophone socialist PS, plus the need for a radical agreement on institutional reform before the coalition is in place, few actually imagine any new government will be formed before September, when the most serious business of the presidency will begin.
Indeed, when De Wever discussed the Belgian presidency in meetings with key EU officials last week – including European Commission President José Manuel Barroso, EU Trade Commissioner Karel De Gucht and European Council President Herman Van Rompuy – his target was the 12 October opening of the Belgian Parliament.
That means that outgoing prime minister Yves Leterme and his fellow ministers will continue in a caretaker role until successors are confirmed. And even if a new coalition is agreed, it will take time to get to grips with their complicated EU dossiers.
“If there is a crisis, the caretaker government will not be well placed to solve it,” says Marc De Vos, head of the Itinera Institute, a Brussels-based policy institute. “It will be weak and unable to take any major decision. For example, the agreement in May on a €750 billion special vehicle would not have been agreed by a caretaker government.”
Nonetheless, Leterme has promised a presidency “with a punch”, insisting that its work would be unaffected by the country's political transition and that “there should be no doubt about Belgium’s capacity to assume its responsibilities”.
Just a few days after this month’s elections, Leterme convened a meeting of federal, regional and municipal government leaders to finalise the Belgian presidency programme. The Belgian programme is aligned with that of the outgoing Spanish presidency, and the Hungarian presidency in the first half of 2011. This is the so-called “trio”, which aims to coordinate three consecutive presidencies and ensure a smooth agenda transition between them.
A further discipline for the Belgians comes from the European Commission, whose 2010 work programme, which includes various plans for EU policy initiatives, fixes much of the set agenda for the EU’s work.
No illusions
Speaking in Warsaw in early June, Belgian foreign minister Steven Vanackere explicitly recognised these constraints. “Some presidencies pretend they invent a whole new chapter in European history during their six months of fame,” he said. “We are not like that. If we are honest with ourselves – which we Belgians generally are in our down-to-earth way of doing things – we have to admit that we are not going to start our presidency from scratch.”
Vanackere promised that Belgium would assume the role of honest broker during its presidency. “If, as a result of this approach, the Belgian presidency will enjoy less visibility and will be more at the service of the EU, well, then I will be able to live with this,” he said. “What matters to me is…being able to make some progress – however modest it may be – on the path towards more European integration.”
Sharing the load
Belgium’s task is lightened by the EU’s new institutional architecture. The Lisbon Treaty, agreed last December, created Van Rompuy’s post as permanent president of the European Council, as well as Catherine Ashton’s position as High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. They now respectively chair the EU summits and the monthly meetings of foreign ministers.
Of course, Van Rompuy is a former Belgian prime minister, so coordination is easier with the Belgian presidency. One of his priorities is the EU’s new research and innovation strategy: the commission is currently working on a draft plan, and the scheduled October 28-29 Brussels summit will be devoted to the issue.
A key factor that will spread the burden is the role of the regions and the communities: thanks to various institutional reforms, Belgium’s federal system gives them exclusive policy competence in key areas and even grants them the right to represent the country in international negotiations and EU Council of Ministers meetings.
Flanders role
During this presidency, Flanders will represent Belgium in the policy fields of education, youth, sport, environment and fisheries. And Flanders will have scope to give its own spin on the agenda – for example, when it comes to the environment, the Flemish government will underline its lifecycle thinking known as “cradle to cradle”.
“Even without a caretaker government, we will have a big role to play,” says Fré Lambrecht, councillor of foreign affairs in the cabinet of Flanders’ minister-president Kris Peeters. “It is important for us to show we have an institutional role and the capability of presiding over council meetings. We want to show we are an open and creative region.”
The list of councils and conferences in Flanders reveals a busy calendar. These include various informal meetings of the Council of Ministers, like the Ghent Environment gathering next month, the October meeting of sports ministers in Antwerp and the Bruges council in December on progress since the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference.
Others meetings cover issues like biodiversity, the knowledge-based bio-economy, maritime research and social inclusion.
Nor should we forget Belgium’s positive track record in the EU in terms of policy breakthroughs and managerial capacity.
“Together with Belgium’s general stance on the EU, if there is one country that seems to be able to still function without a government and at the same time take on the challenge of ensuring the smooth running of the council, then this would be Belgium,” says British political analyst Simone Bunse, a Georgetown University professor and author of Small States and EU Governance: Leadership Through the Council Presidency.
But beyond the official EU business, the presidency is also a chance to make the most of the six months in the spotlight with a dash of cultural preening, including concerts, exhibitions and other events. Perhaps the most eye-catching will happen on 8 July: an exhibition match between Justine Henin and Kim Clijsters at the King Boudewijn stadium in Brussels, which should break the world attendance record for a tennis match (set in 1973 when women's champion Billie Jean King beat her male opponent, Bobby Riggs).
It may have little to do with EU business, but the two tennis stars will – like Belgium and Flanders – be aiming to show Europe that they aren’t cowed by performing on a big stage.
Belgium’s EU Presidency programme was formally confirmed on 16 June at a meeting between acting prime minister Yves Leterme and representatives from the regions and municipalities. Here are its five priorities:
1.Socio-economics: Re-establish sustainable growth and competitiveness. This means developing a competitive, green knowledge economy (and implementing the EU’s 2020 Strategy), implementing the new financial supervision architecture, strengthening the stability of the eurozone, restoring budgetary discipline and promoting innovation
2.Environmental policy: Switch to a green economy. Formulate concrete, ambitious targets at the COP 16 climate summit in Cancún; consolidate the link with new European policy objectives on energy, transport and emissions; prepare for the COP 10 Convention on Biodiversity
3.Freedom, security and justice: Consolidate and complete across the EU. Develop a uniform asylum procedure; combat terrorism, organised crime and illegal immigration; establish mutual recognition of court rulings
4.Social policy: Promote social cohesion. Seek social convergence; reinforce the social “safety net”; stress the EU’s added value in health and ageing
5.External affairs: Broaden the global appeal of the EU as a force for peace and security. Set up the European External Action Service; continue enlargement negotiations; continue the WTO’s Doha Round talks
by Emily Roman
You, too, can help launch Belgium’s presidency of the European Union when 12 Belgian cities play host to an interactive dance fest on 3 July. Bal Moderne will take to city squares to teach participants two short choreographed dances. A live feed will be televised in each city to allow everyone to watch each other, creating a feeling of solidarity.
Bal Moderne was founded on the idea that dance should be used as a way to bring people together, whether they are skilled or not. “When people find they can do something they never thought they could, it’s sensational,” says the organisation’s Oonagh Duckworth.
The lessons begin at 20:00 in Brussels, Antwerp, Bruges, Ghent, Leuven, Hasselt, Charleroi, Eupen, Liège, Louvain-la-Neuve, Namur and Tournai. Check the website to see where to go in each city.
Duckworth says she’s hoping for at least 1,000 people in each city to turn up to dance. “Belgium is a country with rich dance resources, which should be celebrated,” she says.
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