The Christian-Democrat CD&V may be the leading party in the new Flemish government, but the coalition agreement (titled "A Vigorous Flanders in Deciding Times") bears the hallmarks of the two coalition partners - the socialist SP.A and the nationalist N-VA.

The SPA has brought a strong social accent to the agreement, so the new Flemish government will invest in extra child care, make sure nursing home bills are no longer higher than people's pensions and give grants to schoolchildren. It will also invest heavily in public transport with the symbolic promise of "a tramline in every province".

The nationalists, meanwhile, have brought a new tone. Five years ago, Flemish demands for state reform were spelled out in full (whereas this is really up to the federal government to decide). No such thing this time. The Flemish government is now mainly waiting for signals from the French speakers to begin new talks. In the meantime, it will exploit its own competences "to the maximum".

One way of doing this is to introduce a child bonus for children up to three years old, to complement the federal child benefit. This has outraged the French speakers, who see it is an attack on the federal social security. They speak of discrimination ("a child is a child").

Elio Di Rupo, president of the socialist PS, has warned that the French speakers "will not be treated as doormats". Flemish parties shrug off this criticism. If the French speakers had wanted to raise child benefit for all children, they could have done this on the federal level, they retort.

More assertiveness: the new Flemish government has opted for a "strong policy" on integration and the Flemish periphery around Brussels. Knowledge of Dutch is a key element here, along with a strict interpretation of Belgian language laws. With Geert Bourgeois (N-VA) as the new minister for interior policy, it looks unlikely that the three mayors-to-be of Kraainem, Wezembeek-Oppem and Linkebeek, who have repeatedly broken these language laws, will be officially appointed.

Flanders will invest more in care for the disabled, the coalition agreement states. Here, getting rid of the growing waiting lists is a clear Christian Democrat policy. The same goes for the economic programme of the Flemish government, which is to continue with minister-president Kris Peeters' Flanders in Action Plan, which aims to make Flanders one of the top five regions in Europe on social, ecological and economic policy. Procedures that now hinder investment, whether private or public, will be made easier.

The economic crisis makes cuts inevitable. These will not be made in education and child care, as that is considered counter-productive. The Flemish government will also continue to invest as much as possible. One decision stands out: the jobkorting (a tax cut for anyone in full employment) will from now on only be granted to the lowest incomes.

The Flemish government is also looking to its own ranks to save money, as it will consist of nine (instead of 11) ministers, each with smaller cabinets. The administration is also expected to produce "internal efficiency benefits".

Bye bye, Vandenbroucke

Nine Flemish ministers, including some newcomers

The party presidents had some hard decisions to make last weekend when they had to appoint their new ministers. The choice was particularly tough for Caroline Gennez, whose SP.A had several hopefuls in its ranks. Gennez decided to ditch Frank Vandenbroucke, a heavyweight in the previous Flemish government and the party's ideologue for a good many years. Although Vandenbroucke is widely respected within - and sometimes even more outside - his party, Gennez found him too headstrong to be part of her new team.

Kris Peeters (CD&V) succeeds himself as minister-president of Flanders. The spokesperson for a small business organisation was propelled into the Flemish government in 2004 without being elected. He has since become well respected amongst his colleagues and popular with the electorate.

Hilde Crevits (CD&V) was the most popular female candidate in this regional election. She stays on as minister for public works, to which the mobility portfolio has been added.

Jo Vandeurzen (CD&V) stood down as federal minister for justice in the wake of the Fortis affair. He feels "rehabilitated" by the electorate and now becomes the new minister for welfare; he already presides over a large Limburg hospital.

Joke Schauvliege (CD&V) has been a member of the Flemish parliament for 10 years and did particularly well in last month's elections. Becoming the minister for the environment and culture - areas that are relatively new to her - is the reward.

Ingrid Lieten (SP.A) has long been known as the most powerful business woman in Flanders, as she was the CEO of public transport company De Lijn. She now becomes one of two vice-minister-presidents with an economic portfolio that includes media and the new Flemish energy company (see page 7).

Pascal Smet (SP.A) was left out of the coalition in the Brussels region but becomes the new minister for education, equal opportunities and Brussels in the Flemish government.

Freya Van Den Bossche (SP.A) returns to the forefront as the minister for housing, energy and urban policy. She was a minister in the previous federal government (Verhofstadt II), but decided to stay away from public life for some time afterwards.

Geert Bourgeois (N-VA) returns to the Flemish government, which he quit last year after the political partnership between his party and CD&V ended. He becomes minister for the interior, integration and tourism. As the other vice-minister-president, he gets to watch over his party's interests.

Philippe Muyters (N-VA), like Lieten, enters the Flemish government without being elected. He leaves his job with Voka, the Flemish chamber of commerce, to become minister of budget, finance, planning, work and sport. This leaves out N-VA's Jan Peumans, who is compensated by becoming the new president of the Flemish Parliament. Peumans was named "best Flemish MP" by both De Standaard and De Morgen newspapers.