User-friendly database boosts transparency in European arms trade
Flanders foreign affairs department contributed to the effort to make the arms trade more transparent to political leaders, activists – and everyone else
‘Helps alleviate suspicions’
But a new European online database visualises this information in such a way that everyone can quite easily check how much and which kind of military equipment EU countries are exporting to which parts of the world. Because transparacy in the arms trade is “a priority” for the government of Flanders, it played a crucial role in the development of the database.
Tom Nijs, a legal advisor at the Flemish department of chancellery & foreign affairs, co-ordinated this effort. “Transparency in the global arms trade has long been a priority for Flanders,” says Nijs. “We therefore pushed for this European database to be developed.”
It’s a very useful instrument to quickly identify trends in other countries
The European database is a valuable tool for government officials such as Nijs. “It’s a very useful instrument to, for example, quickly identify trends in other countries, which is important in working towards a cohesive policy in the EU.”
But it also helps MPs, researchers, journalists and NGOs to make critical analyses and, if necessary, address concrete problems. “This openness should help to alleviate suspicions about the arms trade,” adds Nijs.
Diederik Cops, a senior researcher at the Flemish Peace Institute – an independent advice counsel for members of the Flemish parliament – confirms that Flanders publishes on both a monthly and annual basis detailed reports on its arms trade, “making it a European frontrunner in this domain”.
Regional differences
When looking at the Belgian data on the platform, it’s important to keep in mind how different the arms industries in Flanders and Wallonia are. It’s generally estimated that Flemish companies produce 20 to 30% of the total export of military equipment from Belgium.
While several Walloon companies are leading producers of traditional arms, such as weapons and ammunition, the Flemish arms industry exports mostly military training equipment and high-tech components that are, for instance, integrated in military aircraft and armoured vehicles. According to a report of the Flemish Peace Institute, Flanders’ licensed exports amounted to €117 million last year.
The Flemish policy on approving licenses for arms exports is also stricter, exemplified by its prohibition of military equipment export to Saudi Arabia. This ban was adopted in 2016 and served to prevent locally produced technology from being used in the war in Yemen.
Flanders banned export of military equipment to Saudi Arabia in 2016 after the country carried out air strikes in Yemen
Walloon arms companies, on the other hand, signed contracts with Saudi parties and with a Canadian company that served as a waystation – contracts that have since been suspended by the Belgian Council of State following complaints from human rights organisations.
The United States and Germany are Flanders’ biggest export markets when it comes to arms, as is the case for many other products. But that doesn’t mean that military tools designed in Flanders cannot find their way to hotbeds of conflict. A Flemish company once delivered a component of a radar system to a German enterprise that ultimately ended up in combat aircraft used by the Saudi air forces in Yemen.
Flanders is furthermore an chief producer of dual-use goods, which are primarily meant for civilian purposes but which can also be applied for military use. “Think, for example, of pharmaceutical products that can also be used to make chemical weapons,” explains Nijs.
For about 70% of licensed arms exports it’s still difficult to say for sure who the end user will be
Flemish government experts try to prevent components and dual-use goods from falling into the wrong hands by investigating who the end user of exported products will be. Manufacturers are obliged to submit information, but the experts also consult a broad network of organisations, such as embassies and the region’s international trade agency. “Sometimes the state security services are involved as well,” says Nijs.
Last year, such an investigation led to the refusal of a license for the export of aircraft parts to the US, which would have ultimately ended up in the hands of the armed forces in Thailand. The government turned down the license because the goods could possibly be used in an internal armed conflict in the Asian country.
“Unfortunately, for about 70% of licensed arms exports it’s still difficult to say for sure who the end user will be,” says Cops. “The government should increase its efforts to obtain more clarity, but it’s true that this is often a very complex matter. Components can be minor parts of a long supply chain.”
Licensing policies
Economic concerns also play a role, he says, “because a very strict licensing policy without clear evidence of particular problems can make companies in the region unattractive partners for major players in the international industry”.
There is also the matter of transit licenses, necessary for foreign military equipment that passes through Flanders – through the port of Antwerp, for example. “The number of applications for such licenses has plummeted in recent years,” says Cops, “which seems illogical as there are generally more and more transactions taking place in the port.”
The Flemish Peace Institute will start up a large-scale investigation of this issue at the end of the year.
Photos, from top: ©Anton Matveev/iStock/Getty Images Plus, ©Ibrahem Qasim/Wikipedia
